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When discussing nationalism in the Thai context, most people will think of conservative movements like the Yellow Shirts and other ultra-royalist groups, but what about the new Thai nationalism among the younger generation where the concept of “Nation” is more fluid?

Intentionally or not, a nationalist trend has recently been fostered among Thai netizens. This trend includes phenomena such as the emergence of the Milk Tea Alliance, xenophobia (particularly against labour from neighbouring countries), disputes over cultural claims with Cambodian netizens, or the Thai-Filipino transgender clash at Sukhumvit Soi 11.

How has this new wave of nationalism on online platforms arisen? Why does this type of content go viral so easily? In addition, why are so many in the younger generations with progressive ideas drawn to this trend?

Different definitions of “nation”

In Thailand, nationalism is often portrayed as the opposite of cosmopolitanism. It is typically associated with conservative movements, such as the People's Alliance for Democracy, known as the Yellow Shirt movement or other ultra-royalist groups that oppose democratic principles and human rights. Their nationalism is centred around the core institutions of the nation, particularly the monarchy.

This movement has often been labelled “salim”.

Salim is the word for a Thai dessert but in this context, it is a contemporary political slang term referring to the right-wing middle class who are sceptical of democracy and elected politicians, and who favour military involvement in politics.

Nationalism is not confined solely to conservative groups but is also embraced by progressive groups who are generally perceived as being aloof from nationalism but who also exhibit nationalism, albeit in a different way.

However, the new Thai nationalist movement on online platforms is far away from the ideology of the salim. Tinnaphop Sinsomboonthong, an assistant professor at the Faculty of Sociology and Anthropology, Thammasat University, said the definition of salim extends beyond nationalism. According to Tinnaphop, a salim upholds three key elements: depoliticisation, inequality, and opposition to democratic political institutions.

For progressives, the concept of "nation" lies with the people. But, “the people” in this context are defined as only those who support democratic and human rights principles, use “woke” language, and uphold political correctness.

New actor in nationalism

The main factor contributing to the changing face of nationalism in the modern era is the change in who propagates it. Nationalism is no longer monopolised by the state; individuals and netizens now play a significant role.

“In short, does nationalism disappear? The answer is no—it always persists. What is different from before is the actors spreading nationalism, which before was the state but are now cultural elements,” remarked Tinnaphop.

Within the progressive nationalist movement in Thailand, Tinnaphop elaborated that nationalism can be categorised into three subgroups:

  1. extreme nationalists, who campaign, for instance, to reclaim a cultural heritage from Cambodia;
  2. anti-Bangkok-centric groups, which advocate for a national identity that includes ethnic groups, such as Lanna and Malayu;
  3. regionalists, who embrace global citizenship.

The most explicit example of a progressive nationalist movement was the emergence of the Milk Tea Alliance in 2020. It was initially a war between Thais and nationalist mainland Chinese netizens but the Thais were supported by anti-Beijing individuals in Hong Kong and Taiwan and this evolved into a loosely connected network of pro-democracy young people across Asia.

Thai milk tea represents a sign that Thai nationhood has persisted. Milk tea, a popular drink across several countries, has become a form of cultural representation. The recognisable orange Thai milk tea was used as a symbol of Thai identity and pride. It also reflects a sense of belonging to the international community.

Nationalism in the post-2020 mass protests

Nationalism has traditionally been used as a tool to impose unity by identifying a common enemy. For the 2020 mass protests in Thailand, the enemy was the government. Thousands of people, therefore, united to resist the government and redefine the concept of nation.

However, as the protests waned and the enemy became less apparent, nationalism became a tool to find new adversaries – often cultural ones.

“When we no longer have the state as a clear enemy, it seems we start searching for new ones, and cultural enemies become what we have to fight,” said Tinnaphop.

We have seen Thai netizens engaged in several conflicts with netizens from other countries or even with Thai netizens themselves.

This phenomenon can be clearly seen in the cultural disputes between Thai and Cambodian netizens, or disputes between Thai and South Korean netizens which revolve around issues like K-pop, strict immigration policies which unreasonably deny many Thai people entry to South Korea, and even Thais’ responses to foreigners who criticise Thai food.

In Tinnaphop’s view, Thai people have always been vulnerable about “Thainess”. This vulnerability is evident in the sense of pride Thai people feel when foreigners praise Thai food, language, or culture. Such appreciation often arouses an overwhelming emotional response, and people will often say something like “See? Even foreigners recognise our value.”

This reflects a dependence on external recognition, but at the same time, Thai people are also proud that their country has never been colonised.

The discourse that “Thailand has never been colonised” remains a cornerstone of Thai nationalist sentiment. It reflects the notion of Thai exceptionalism when the country is surrounded by former colonial countries.

This discourse is also upheld by the younger generation, who normally resist domination in all forms. This sentiment fuels their opposition to hegemonic powers in various global conflicts, such as Israel's oppression of Palestinians or China's influence over Laos.

The risk of nationalism

“The dangerous point comes when we turn those we see as cultural enemies into political enemies, as we are starting to witness now with the case of Ko Kut," remarked Tinnaphop.

As far as Thais are concerned, few countries have experienced a cultural conflict as heated and enduring as that between Thailand and Cambodia. While they share historical and cultural ties, these have often become sources of tension. The case of the Preah Vihear Temple represents the most intense political and cultural conflict between Thailand and its neighbouring country.

Thai and Cambodian netizens often clash over cultural claims to do with food, traditional costumes and music, which are not seen as having the potential to escalate. However, the overlapping Thai-Cambodia maritime area around Ko Kut is being used by the Yellow Shirt movement to harass the government for political gain in a way that resembles the Preah Vihear temple case. Tinnaphop said this is a “historical nightmare.”

Although Myanmar (Burma) has historically been positioned as Thailand's rival and enemy, the political relationship between Thailand and Myanmar has never experienced conflicts that destabilised relations between the two countries.

Fortunately, there are still ways that could de-escalate a conflict fuelled by nationalism. A good example is the Sukhumvit Soi 11 incident where a group of Thai-Filipino transgenders clashed, or the clash between Thai and Filipino beauty pageant fans. These incidents were often trivialised by “memetisation.” The images of the two sides punching one another were edited and turned into images of them using magic or wands to fight one another.

“So, the only way to prevent matters from turning violent is memetisation,” noted Tinnaphop.

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