As civil society renews calls for greater autonomy through 'metropolitan provinces,' the government’s leading party has proposed the return of CEO governors, while support grows for local governance reform. Both paths are now stalled by the same enduring obstacle: political inertia.

11 years ago in October 2013, the Chiang Mai Metropolitan Administration Act was submitted to Parliament. Proposed by Chamnan Chanreang of the Midnight University, the law aimed to promote self-determination, enhance transparency, restructure the tax system, and serve as a model for other provinces like Pattani, Rayong, and Phuket. By granting greater autonomy to the provinces, this legislation could have ended centuries of political centralization in Bangkok and significantly reduced bureaucratic duplication. Over 10,000 signatures were gathered in support of the initiative.

The Chiang Mai Self-Management Driving Coalition, a civil society group, championed the draft law based on the Self-Reliant Communities concept introduced by Sawing Tan-ud and Chatchawan Thongdeelert in 2008, which evolved into Self-Managed Provinces by 2013. However, the draft was shelved after the May 2014coup led by Gen Prayut Chan-o-cha. Later in June, the coalition and civil society networks from 15 northern provinces gathered at the Chiang Mai City Arts and Cultural Centre to demand decentralization. After reading their statement, ten leaders were arrested and taken to the 33rd Military Circle at Kawila Camp in Chiang Mai. This incident highlights not only the suppression of dissent but also political interference in decentralization efforts.

Soldiers detain leaders of the civil society network who gathered to express their stance on decentralization on 24 June 2014, at the Chiang Mai City Arts and Cultural Centre

Ten years later, military control has diminished, and calls for reform have resurfaced. As Gen Prayut Chan-o-cha stepped down, discussions about decentralization emerged following the 2019 general election. On 22 May 2022, coinciding with the Bangkok gubernatorial election, the Chiang Mai gubernatorial election campaign network held a mock election, reigniting calls for reform. Inspired by "Chadchart Fever," the enthusiasm for Bangkok’s elected governor, Chadchart Sittipunt, many locals expressed a desire for their own elected governors, with key figures like Thanet Charoenmuang, Chamnan Chanruang, and Chatchawan Thongdeelert participating.

The campaign network submitted a draft of the Chiang Mai Metropolitan Administration Act to Padipat Suntiphada, the Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives at the time. Similar to an earlier version from 2013, this draft aims to decentralize budgetary powers and introduce the election of a Chiang Mai governor. While it may not be flawless, as an academic has noted, if implemented effectively, it could serve as a pioneering model for Chiang Mai and other major provinces. However, the government’s leading party has a different vision in mind.

Pheu Thai’s proposal

The election campaign network for the Chiang Mai governor organized a simulated election for the Chiang Mai governor in parallel with the Bangkok governor election on 22 May 2022.

By the 2023 general election, decentralization policies had emerged as a key issue for many political parties. The Move Forward Party proposed electing governors nationwide, while the Pheu Thai Party advocated elections in select provinces. Following the Constitutional Court verdict, the Move Forward Party (now the People’s Party after its dissolution) was barred from forming a government and became the opposition leader. The return of a Pheu Thai-led government signals a revival of previous ideas.

Under the Pheu Thai-led government, there was an effort to revive the concept of CEO governors, originally introduced by Thaksin Shinawatra in the 2000s. Thaksin, with his business background, famously stated in November 1997, "A company is a country. A country is a company." After winning the 2001 election, he empowered provincial governors with greater authority over budgets, personnel, and management, requiring them to set clear performance indicators. However, this policy was terminated following the 2006 coup.

Under former Prime Minister Srettha Thavisin, the concept of CEO governors was reintroduced to Parliament on 6 September 2023 as part of the government’s policy statement. Trials will be conducted in five pilot provinces, each showcasing a flagship policy: Chiang Rai will focus on clean air, Khon Kaen on the digital economy, Buriram on combating informal loans, Ubon Ratchathani on the border economy, and Phetchaburi on waste management. The “Tell State Through Us” platform will enable citizens to participate in setting goals and indicators. While the CEO governor idea appears bold, it also has several shortcomings.

Prof. Dr. Thanet Charoenmuang, a political science scholar, and an advocate for decentralization

According to Prof. Dr. Thanet Charoenmuang, a political science academic at Chiang Mai University, there is an old saying that provincial governors are "hosts, drinkers, and airport watchers," making a living by appeasing their superiors for budgets, promotions, or the status quo due to their limited authority. While the implementation of a CEO governor could improve provincial governance, the fundamental issue persists: locals may have a voice, but they lack control over the outcome. Although their opinions might be considered, final decisions would still rest with central authorities, leaving them unable to elect their own governor—if the idea is implemented at all.

Asst. Prof. Chalinee Sonphlay from Thammasat University observed that the Pheu Thai Party has struggled to advance significant ideas due to its lack of strong leadership and dependence on coalition support. Anutin Charnvirakul, the Minister of the Interior from the Bhumjaithai Party, raised concerns that decentralization must ensure proper budget allocation. After Srettha was ousted by a Constitutional Court ruling in August, new Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra did not mention CEO governors in her policy statement to Parliament, focusing on digital government instead.

This shift in focus has left questions about the direction of decentralization unanswered, with key reforms seemingly deprioritized. The future of decentralization—or even a different form of centralization—remains mired in political inertia.

Three decades of disruption

Over the past three decades, decentralization efforts have seen limited success due to obstruction from the central authorities, particularly the Ministry of Interior. Additionally, ongoing political uncertainties and recurring military coups continue to overshadow these efforts.

During the Black May incident of 1992, one of the key demands of protesters seeking to oust Gen Suchinda Kraprayoon's military government was the nationwide election of provincial governors. Prior to this, politicians, academics, and the public had already called for change. Leaders of the movement, including Thanet Charoenmuang, former MP Thawin Praison, and former Deputy Minister Agriculture and Cooperatives Udon Tantisunthorn, advocated the public's right to elect provincial governors and greater autonomy in self-governance.

The campaign garnered significant public attention, particularly in Chiang Mai, where activities were held to raise local awareness. The Democrat Party, a progressive party at the time, made the election of provincial governors its top campaign promise for the general election in September, sparking hope for local political change. After the coalition government was formed, a lack of political will hindered further action. However, the campaign’s momentum was also stalled by the entrenched bureaucracy.

In response to this campaign pressure, the Ministry of Interior—known for protecting its own power—proposed elections for Presidents of Provincial Administrative Organizations as separate positions from provincial governors. Scholars viewed this as a tactic to avoid provincial governor elections, a key mechanism for the Ministry's exercise of authority. Rather than losing its influence, the Ministry sought to keep decentralization aligned with its interests.

In a move seen as a tactic to divert attention from calls for provincial governor elections, the Ministry appointed women as governors and deputy governors in early 1993. Since then, few female provincial and deputy governors have been appointed. The appointment of the first Muslim female governor attracted some attention briefly in 2022. As of June 2024, there are only two female provincial governors on the Ministry of Interior’s list.

When the 1997 Constitution, widely regarded as a pinnacle of Thai democracy, was being drafted in the 1990s, the framework for Local Administrative Organizations (LAOs) was also developed. In 1994, sub-districts with revenues exceeding 150,000 baht were permitted to upgrade to Sub-district Administrative Organizations (SAOs). By 1997, Provincial Administrative Organizations (PAOs) were officially established, evolving from provincial advisory bodies created in 1933, thanks to the advocacy of the Federation of Provincial Council Members of Thailand.

Despite this, LAOs remain under the Ministry of Interior and must follow its guidelines. Their authority often overlaps with that of provincial governors, complicating operations. There are growing calls for the transfer of power, but so far these have not been sufficiently addressed. Additionally, PAO revenues are low compared to SAOs or municipalities due to overlapping revenue collection areas, which weakens their position against appointed governors. This situation looks like the deliberate result of a divide and rule tactic.

The 1999 Decentralization to Local Government Organizations Act required the central government to allocate 35% of revenues to LAOs by 2006. However, after the 2006 coup, the National Legislative Assembly reduced this to 25%, allowing for a gradual increase to at least 35% without a set deadline. Twenty-six years after the Act, in the 2025 fiscal year (October 2024 to September 2025), the central government allocates only 29.07% to LAOs, a mere 0.01% increase from the previous year. This amount actually decreased from 29.81% in fiscal year 2023.

Coups have consistently impeded decentralization efforts. Following the 2006 coup, budget allocations slowed, and the term of office for village headmen and sub-district chiefs was changed from 4 years to until age 60, like civil servants. The 2014 coup stalled the Chiang Mai Metropolitan Administration Act and halted progress on proposed reforms. Given the current political inertia, reforming local governance seems unlikely. As long as the political landscape remains stagnant, meaningful decentralization and local empowerment will continue to be suppressed.