By Somyos Preuksakasemsuk |
<p>Here I sit in a cell behind the tight iron bars, or a “jail”. All my freedom lost, I am held in custody just by myself and am barred from communicating with the world. It causes me unprecedented and deepest grievance, physically and mentally.</p>
<p>If I were a criminal or a murderer who had caused someone to die, or had stolen from others, or had committed a grave immoral act, then I would have deserved such a punishment, as I had committed an offence or had caused trouble to others.</p>
By Article 112: Awareness Campaign |
<p>Since 19 September 2006, a large number of individuals have been directly and indirectly affected under Section 112 of the Criminal Code, also known as the lèse majesté law”. Statistics from 2005 to 2009 reveal that there have been 547 lèse majesté cases altogether. 247 cases have reached a verdict. In April 2011 alone, this law has been used against Thai citizens in a wide number of occasions, as reported in the news. Here are the cases: </p>
By Jim Taylor |
<p>There is a lot of talk about “fascism”, or a late modern expression “neo-fascism”; a word which carries loaded connotation in reference to an extreme right-wing politics. However, it is rarely used in the everyday language of resistance in Thailand; as Surachai Sae Dan told me, “fascism” was a historical moment in Thailand which some of us experienced in the post-war years. In particular we can consider the implications of Sarit’s coup of 1958 supported by the royalist/amaat regime which wanted to regain influence and power through the monarchy.</p>
By Article 112: Awareness Campaign |
<p> “Article 112: Awareness Campaign” is a group of individuals from different walks of life who are concerned with the Article 112 of the Thai Criminal Code as a serious threat to rights, freedoms and democracy. Over the past 5 years, there has been a sharp increase in the number of those accused and prosecuted on charges of lese majeste. This undeniably represents seriousness of the problems with the law which, in order to find the solution, requires open public discussions and studies.</p>
By Somsak Jeamteerasakul |
<p>During the last decade, I have written several academic and general articles on the monarchy, and have spoken publicly about this issue. I have never used these occasions to propose the so called “lom chao” or “overthrowing the monarchical institution.” Each and every one of my public statement and written work is premised on the assumption of the continuation of the monarchy.</p>
By Maja Cubarrubia |
<p>The way the three girls who “shamelessly” danced topless on top of a vehicle during the Songkran festival in Bangkok’s central business district of Silom were handled by the police and the media begs a question – Did they deserve their rights to privacy, too?</p>
By Jim Taylor |
<p class="rtecenter">“Can you see the moon? Can you see it seen...”<br />
(Playwright) Gertrude Stein, <em>A Circular Play</em></p>
<p>The lack of ethical, balanced and objective reporting by certain Bangkok-based foreign and Thai journalists1 is a continuing dilemma for the pro-democracy movement since post-2006 coup. INGOs are not much better (e.g. Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and now the International Crisis Group [ICG]). Indeed ICG Update Briefing Report (No.121, 11 April 2011) entitled “<a href="http://www.prachatai.com/english/node/2413"><em>Thailand: The calm before the storm</em></a>” makes many errors and false assumptions that it seems to me that researchers are not keeping their ears close to the real ground.</p>
By Nitirassadorn |
<p>It is recognized that human beings, regardless of origin or status, should have human dignity, liberty, and equality, and show reasonableness and tolerance toward differing opinions, and that in a democratic society, the right to freedom of expression is indispensable and any restriction of this freedom must be in proportion to necessity and not of a form that conflicts with the essence of this freedom.</p>
By Gerrard Winstanley |
<p>Tony Cartalucci has <a href="http://landdestroyer.blogspot.com/2011/04/exposing-international-arbiters.html">written</a> prolifically on the political turmoil in Thailand. His writing focuses on the International dimension; the foreign interference in Thailand. While there is no doubt that no nation is an island and foreign groups with their own agendas interfere in all nations for their own personal ends, Tony has been very selective in which foreign groups he writes on, what their intentions are and who they work with in Thailand.</p>
By Jim Taylor |
<p>Accepting the <em>status quo</em>, while at the same time claiming to fight against it, comes with some contradictions for UDD/Phue Thai Party. This will not appease all factions of the red shirts. Despite rhetoric of resistance and lots of emotive and expressive language at mass gatherings, there is little indication of a combined longer term vision or even of an ideology on which to achieve democracy. Neither has there been any intellectual discussion about what form that “democracy” should take, other than an assumption that it must come from the ballot box; that it must be built on the aspirations of the majority electorate. But an election under the current “rules of the game” established post 19 September 2006 can at best only be a means of redistributing political and economic benefits and in establishing new power sharing arrangements.</p>
By Jim Taylor |
<p>The case of Khun “Pla” (ปลา), a freelance media writer, arrested by police handing out information on 112 at the UDD rally on Saturday needs to be highlighted, not for the case itself (though that is important) but the <em>manner </em>in which she was arrested. Depressingly, she was handed over to the police by seven rude UDD guards (three were actually police hired as UDD guards) who then took her to the police station between 6-7 hours until after the demonstration finished and then released.</p>
By Jim Taylor |
<p>It appears that most so-called “softer head” (หัวอ่อน) hard-core leaders on the run since last year are returning back home accepting a new compact with the amaat regime which they took a stand against since events following 19 September 2006. This compact was enabled through the “electoral” UDD group, involving no doubt some interesting conversations with various stakeholders both at home and, importantly, abroad, and of course certain higher powers.</p>