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Dirty Politics behind Devastating Haze

The choking haze has revisited Southeast Asia in the past weeks. Impressive skyscrapers in Singapore and Malaysia have been cloaked by haze, a type of pollution which has emerged as a health issue for the two countries, as well as affecting their economy and potentially that of the region. For Singapore, this is not a new problem. Yet this year’s haze has managed to break its own record; it reached the hazardous PSI (pollutant standards index) level of 401 at 12 pm on June 21, the highest ever seen in the city-state. Similarly, the air pollutant index (API) hit 750 in the town of Muar—a 16-year high for Malaysia—in the morning of June 23. The Malaysian prime minister soon signed a declaration of emergency for the affected town.

The Singaporean and Malaysian government came under extreme pressure from unhappy, and somewhat scared, citizens. Air pollution at such levels could possibly impact on the respiratory system. While the two governments have urged their respective people to stay home, many felt that a strong protest was needed against Indonesia where the smoke haze was originating.

 

Smoke haze in Singapore

For years, farmers on Indonesia's Sumatra island have used the slash-and-burn method for ground clearance instead of relying on the more expensive and inconvenient mechanical approach to clear land using excavators and bulldozers. This method generates forest fires and thus the smoke haze that is taken to Singapore and Malaysia by the wind. They have repeatedly been at the receiving end of the choking blanket of pollution and at times this has stirred up panic and fear.

Indonesia has shown a certain willingness to tackle the problem. For the first time, Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono offered an apology to Singapore and Malaysia for the haze. Prior to that, he ordered the dispatch of two helicopters in an attempt to create artificial rain in a desperate bid to fight the raging fires. These helicopters with cloud-seeding equipment were to be sent from Jakarta and Borneo Island to Riau province, where hundreds of hectares of carbon-rich peatland were ablaze.

Unfortunately, the root cause of the problem has never been dealt with and this reveals a crisis of “good governance” on the part of Indonesia. The haze is undoubtedly a transnational issue with great ramifications on health, economic gains and losses, and global good governance. With wide-ranging impacts on tourism, biodiversity and national economies, trans-boundary haze has also raised a pertinent question regarding the effectiveness of ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) in dealing with the crisis.

Looking back, transnational haze was first recognized as a serious health hazard in 1997-1998 when a convergence of political, economic and environmental conditions favourable to land clearance in Indonesia led to an environmental catastrophe for Southeast Asia. It cost the region US$9 billion due to disruptions to air travel and other business activities. And since the wind was kind towards Jakarta leaving Indonesian political leaders largely unaffected, they felt unenthusiastic to look for a long-lasting solution to the problem. With little commitment from the very top, local authorities were slack in tackling the issue.

The haze has since become a regular phenomenon in the region, placing Indonesian relations with its neighbours under immense constraints. In 2002, ASEAN stepped up in its effort to minimise the impacts of the polluted haze by proposing an agreement on “Trans-boundary Haze Pollution,” designed to protect the environment and preserve air quality. As of March 2010, nine ASEAN members ratified the agreement, notably, Indonesia is an exception. Malaysia and Singapore became the first two ASEAN members to ratify it.

But in reality, the ASEAN agreement has remained ineffective as Indonesia has insisted on tackling the problem on a bilateral basis. This attitude has led to a vicious cycle; the annual return of the haze is met with yearly hand-wringing but little more. In much the same way, this year’s smoke haze has produced similar impacts as those of the past. As before too, the high magnitude of pollution accompanying the haze has exposed the “bad politics” behind the crisis. Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong even warned that the haze would not disappear anytime soon. Painting a gloomy picture, his statement further infuriated hard-hit local businesses.

These businesses have the right to feel vulnerable. So far, the haze has threatened to sever Singapore’s economy and cast a pall over its growth if the situation does not improve in the weeks ahead. It is estimated that each day the haze lingers, over US$47 million in tourism receipts could be at stake. The impact on tourism could lead to a slowdown of the hotel and food and beverage industries­­­, key earners for Singapore. If this trend continues, there is a possibility that businesses would cut back on staff. In 2012, more than 14 million tourists visited Singapore, spending up to US$18 billion. Now, many tourists have cancelled trips to Singapore and Malaysia. Suddenly, key attractions in Singapore, such as the Marina Bay area, are deserted.

In Malaysia, the government has expressed concerns about the devastating haze. Reduced sunlight could have negative effects on cash crops and critical levels of haze might also delay construction projects. In Singapore too, some construction schemes have come to a halt. As a result, foreign labour has been told to stay home. If the haze continues, there is a chance that Singapore and Malaysia might temporarily cease the import of foreign construction workers—some of which are from China, Thailand, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and even Indonesia. An impact on the regional labour market may seem inevitable.

As frustrations rise, exchanges of heated words are taking place between Indonesia and the two neighbouring states. Indonesian Coordinating Minister for People's Welfare Agung Laksono, who is coordinating his country's relief and response efforts, told a press conference, “Singapore should not be child-like, in such a tizzy. Indonesian citizens also need to be looked after, there are hundreds. It is not what Indonesians want, it is nature.” His comments immediately enraged the Singaporeans who had saw Indonesia's refusal to ratify the ASEAN agreement as an act of selfishness. In defending their position, Indonesia’s local authorities put the blame on Malaysia and Singapore-based palm oil companies for permitting slash-and-burn tactics to be used on their estates on Indonesia’s Sumatra.

Palm oil is a major export product for Indonesia. To save production costs, foreign companies have taken advantage of sympathetic conditions to clear land through slash-and-burn tactics, contributing to the loss of nearly 5 million hectares of forest and blanketing the region with haze at the peak of the dry season. Although the Indonesian government has outlawed the use of fire to clear land, weak enforcement means that the ban is often ignored.

Circumstances like the dire haze have compelled ASEAN to become more serious about cross-boundary environmental issues. They represent new areas for ASEAN, known now as non-traditional security issues—things more unfamiliar in a region that has long battled with traditional security, such as territorial disputes and military threats. But ASEAN still has a long way to go in terms of putting in place workable and enforceable mechanisms to handle future environmental challenges.

 

Pavin Chachavalpongpun is associate professor at Kyoto University’s Centre for Southeast Asian Studies

 

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