Amid simmering tensions over a border dispute with Cambodia, a leaked audio clip captures Thai Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra referring to Cambodian Senate President Hun Sen as “Uncle” while offering him concessions in an effort to ease tensions over the closure of border checkpoints.

Because of the clip, Paetongtarn has been suspended from office by the Constitutional Court and now faces possible disqualification for alleged dishonesty and ethical breaches. Protests have also been staged by Sonthi Limthongkul, her father’s longtime political foe and Jatuporn Prompan, his former loyalist-turned-opponent. Speculation is rife about the PM’s resignation, parliamentary dissolution, and a military coup, casting doubt on the government's ability to complete its full term.

In her phone call with Hun Sen, Paetongtarn characterised Thailand’s Second Army Area Commander Lt Gen Boonsin ‘Kung’ Padklang as her political opponent, a remark she later explained was a negotiation tactic. According to Prachatai’s chronology of the crisis, the military clearly defied the government’s de-escalation efforts and actively disseminated militaristic rhetoric through a public relations campaign, however.

As pressure mounted, the civilian government was obliged to acquiesce to the military after the National Security Council (NSC), under martial law, authorised it to assume control over border checkpoints in seven provinces—including Trat, Chanthaburi, Sa Kaeo, Ubon Ratchathani, Sisaket, Surin, and Buriram. Thereafter, the military prohibited the export of construction materials like cement and steel bars, as well as weaponry.  It also banned Thai nationals from crossing to gamble in Cambodian casinos.

Cambodia reacted strongly to these measures, but Paetongtarn was unable to take action. In the audio clip, she admitted that she needed to consult with the military before making any decisions. As a result, Hun Sen accused Thailand of breaking its promises by keeping the border checkpoints closed, even after Cambodian forces were pulled back to ease tensions.

Passive response

The dispute began on 17 February when a rendition of the Cambodian national anthem sung by a Cambodian military officer and his troops sparked a clash at Prasat Ta Muen Thom. Then, on 1 March, a fire broke out at the Trimuk Pavilion and spread to nearby houses. Thai authorities determined it was an act of arson.

Eventually, a military clash occurred at Chong Bok on 28 May, resulting in the death of one Cambodian soldier. Although the situation warranted the deployment of F-5 fighter jets, former Defense Minister Phumtham Wechayachai, now the acting Prime Minister, only issued a brief statement, saying he was apprised of the situation.

The next day, the PM said that Thailand was ready to end the matter provided Cambodia did not reinforce its positions. Defense Minister Phumtham proposed that each side withdraw 400 meters from the point of the clash, expressed Thailand’s desire for peace, and took no further measures.

These efforts to de-escalate the conflict drew criticism that the government was being too passive, criticism which became more pronounced after various branches of the armed forces seemingly undercut civilian-led peace efforts by using social media to tout their combat readiness. The campaign included the Facebook posts of regular Thai soldiers.

Choice of map

The conflict may well have arisen because of the Thai military’s use of borders in areas that had yet to be formally demarcated through a bilateral process.  During the period, Lt Gen Boonsin negotiated with his Cambodian counterparts and following the clash at Chong Bok, he admitted in an interview that the Thai side only recognised the 1:50,000-scale map produced by the Royal Thai Survey Department, not the 1:200,000-scale map that, according to a bilateral framework established under the 2000 Memorandum of Understanding (MOU43), was supposed to be used for purposes of official negotiations. The Joint Boundary Commission (JBC) has long been using this more detailed map and the understanding was that a new map would not be used unless accepted by both parties.

When Cambodia asserted that Thailand had already agreed to make use of the JBC map at a recent meeting, Lt Gen Boonsin reiterated that the Thai military only recognised the Survey Department’s version. On 16 June, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs seemingly backed this position by denying Cambodia’s claim and stating that the matter was not open for discussion.

Lt Gen Boonsin Phadklang, Second Army Area Commander (center right), and a Cambodian military officer (center left) at Ta Muen Thom temple, 21 February 2025.

Maj Gen Nutt Sri-in, Second Army Area Deputy Commander, also expressed his views on social media about what negotiating mechanisms should be used and whether Thailand should submit to the International Court of Justice (ICJ).  He seemed calm and appeared ready to pursue negotiations but suggested that it might be better to do away with existing border agreements and resort to a military solution.

All of this suggests the extent of military overreach. In theory, the choice of map, negotiation mechanisms, allowing ICJ jurisdiction, and even the decision to go to war are matters for civilian government.

Maj Gen Nutt Sriin Second Army Area Deputy Commander in front of Trimuk Pavillion before the fire broke out.

Para bellum

On 5 June 2025, Phumtham met with Cambodia’s Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Defense to discuss troop withdrawals and restore the situation to its 2024 status. The effort was unsuccessful but showed Thailand’s commitment to bilateral discussions. Locally, Phumtham was unfairly criticised for traveling to Cambodia for negotiations that took place in Sa Kaeo, however.

The same evening, before Phumtham had a chance to make a statement, Army spokesman Maj Gen Winthai Suvaree also denied allegations that the Thai military fired first. He claimed instead that Cambodian forces used gunfire when Thailand deployed a reconnaissance unit to verify an intrusion.

In the face of ongoing negotiation between the two governments, the Royal Thai Army (RTA) continued to showcase its combat readiness by issuing an official statement that all units had been ordered to respond in accordance with the national defence plan and retaliate in cases where national sovereignty was violated.

On 6 June, when the National Security Council convened, the government rejected the jurisdiction of the ICJ but reaffirmed its commitment to peaceful resolution of the conflict using bilateral mechanisms. The military declared it would operate in line with government policy but maintained its control of the border checkpoints.

The parody posters by Royal Thai Air Force (left), the Royal Thai Army (middle), and the Royal Thai Navy (right)

It also continued to tout its readiness for a fight. Alluding to a popular Thai-language Netflix series about an express delivery startup, Mad Unicorn, the armed forces released parody posters on 6 June, a promotional day for e-commerce platforms, to emphasise their ability to rapidly deliver ordinance to the border.

Launched without governmental consultation, the campaign was highly inappropriate.  However, amid growing frustration with the government's response, and lingering distrust of the ties between the Shinawatra and Hun families, public support for the military surged. Some voices even went so far as to suggest that it might be time for a coup.

On 7 June, the RTF began closing border checkpoints. While the closure was not absolute, prohibiting only the transport of military equipment and construction materials, and travel for gambling in Cambodian casinos, it still had a notable impact.

On 8 June, both sides began reducing troop strength and filled in trenches to ease tensions. However, Thailand’s policy of keeping border checkpoints closed remained in effect, frustrating the Cambodian leadership.

At a JBC meeting, both sides agreed to continue demarcating the border through bilateral mechanisms. The four contentious areas at Ta Muen Thom, Ta Muen Tot, Ta Kwai temples, and the Emerald Triangle, were not included, as Cambodia wanted to bring the matter before the ICJ, however.

On 16 June, the Prime Minister reaffirmed the Thai government’s commitment to the bilateral mechanism and, in response to a warning from Hun Sen about potential retaliatory measures for the border closure, clarified that Thailand had merely adjusted checkpoint operating hours to ensure the safety of people on both sides. She also criticised the Cambodian leader’s use of social media as “unprofessional”, a remark that would come back to haunt her just two days later.

The knock out blow

On 18 June, after the audio clip was leaked, calls for the PM’s removal began to circulate.

She issued an apology and explained that her misunderstanding with Lt Gen Boonsin had already been resolved.

Lt Gen Boonsin affirmed that he was not upset and understood. Nonetheless, the military seized the moment to launch another public relations campaign. At 7:55 p.m. on the same day, the RTF’s official Facebook page published a statement:

“No matter the situation, the Royal Thai Army is ready to stand firm to defend our sovereignty to the best of its ability. #SoldiersExistToProtectSovereignty #Save2ndArmyAreaCommander #RoyalThaiArmy"

Eighty minutes later, the hashtag #Save2ndArmyAreaCommander was removed from the post. The Facebook page of the Second Army Area continued to display the hashtag, however.

Maximising damage

Beyond the official social media statements of the military branches and high-ranking officers, other military-linked information sources also reinforced the impression that military leaders were not marching in step with the government.

Following the audio clip leak, the Military News [ข่าวทหาร] (formerly known as Military News, Royal Thai Army Radio and Television, Channel 5) Facebook page posted that “Uncle Pom [Gen Prawit Wongsuwan, the leader of Phalang Pracharat Party]’ has issued a statement ... criticising the Prime Minister for being incompetent in resolving border issues, causing the nation to be at a disadvantage. ”

The page also shared a post from Atthawit Suwanphakdee, a former Democrat MP and long-time critic of the Shinawatra family, which read: “War is war! Cambodia intentionally intruded into Thailand’s clearly defined territory!”

On the morning of 19 June, the page also posted an excerpt from the royal address of the late King Bhumibol, highlighting the phrase “…let good people govern the country…”, a reference familiar to political observers.

The Military News' post with a quote from King Bhumibol

The notion that the country should be entrusted to “good people” - not “bad politicians” - has been employed by right-wing groups to justify the military coups of 2006 and 2014.

The page has over 270,000 followers and has frequently been tagged and cited as a source on various other pages, including the Public Relations Center of the Internal Security Operations Command (ISOC), the 4215th Ranger Forces Company, the 1st Infantry Battalion, and 3rd Infantry Regiment.

The Facebook page Soldiers Are Lovable [ทหารเป็นตาฮัก], which has 470,000 followers and was previously reported by Prachatai to have links with the 3rd Infantry Division, has also posted various criticisms of the civilian government since the clash at Chong Bok:
 

• “Stupid people shouldn’t be leaders.” (6 June 2025)
   
• “Naive leader. Go home and eat ginkgo nuts. It would be far more useful.” (13 June 2025)
   
• “This is not a children’s playground.” (16 June 2025)
   
• “Our leader is Commander Kung. #Save2ndArmyAreaCommander” (18 June 2025)

Political commentaries by the military page. Source: Soldiers Are Lovable

The page also shared several video clips featuring Gen Prayut Chan-o-cha, a former junta leader who remains a candidate for prime minister. The videos attracted many viewers, with many expressing nostalgia for Gen Prayut, and some even calling for a coup.  Among them:

• A montage of Gen Prayut in military uniform — 69,000 views (2 June 2025)
• A clip of Gen Prayut, during his tenure as Prime Minister, addressing Parliament in 2019 to defend the need for military conscription — 1 million views (3 June 2025)
• A clip from the 2011 Preah Vihear conflict, showing Gen Prayut saying that fighting is not difficult, only an order needs to be given.  — 600,000 views (6 June 2025)

Gen Prayut saying that fighting is not difficult, only an order needs to be given. Source: Soldiers Are Lovable

The Thai Army Ranger Club [ชมรมทหารพรานกองทัพบก] Facebook page responded to the leaked audio clip by posting a video of the song Scum of the Earth on the evening of 18 June 2025. The song was circulated at the height of the Cold War, prior to the student massacre at Thammasat University on 6 October 1976.

The post from the Thai Army Ranger Club

Winding down

On 19 June, Gen Natthaphon Narkphanit, a Deputy Minister of Defence from United Thai Nation Party, and a close aide of Gen Prayut, released a statement on behalf of Team Thailand, a nickname of the Ad Hoc Center for the Thailand-Cambodia Border Situation:

“The (release of the clip) was not accidental  but a part of a complex plan … to achieve diplomatic gains … it was 'one shot fired to bring down the whole flock.' And we will not allow them to succeed under any circumstances.” 

In the face of right wing groups calling for a coup, the RTF Facebook page also posted a message from Army Commander-in-Chief Gen Pana Klaewplodthuk stating that the army had no ulterior motives and was “ready …to defend the nation's sovereignty to the best of its ability using existing mechanisms.”

Tensions remained but the military’s public relations campaign wound down. The Bhumjaithai Party withdrew from the ruling coalition and the Prime Minister was suspended. As a result of a leaked audio clip, the military appears to have improved its public standing.