After more than four years when the youth of Thailand mobilised to demand political reforms, the youth movement is now confronting structural barriers that threaten to undermine its momentum.
This is what Thai youth leaders shared during the Asia Centre-led regional dialogue “Youth Voices, Strong Choices: Political Participation in the Asia-Pacific”, co-convened with the Global Democracy Coalition and Club de Madrid on 26 November 2024. The dialogue was held for youth leaders to share their insights and challenges surrounding young people’s representation in democratic systems across the Asia-Pacific region.
Presenting their viewpoints in the dialogue were Prim Maneechot, a Community Organizer from the Daybreaker Network; Akarachai Chaimaneekarakate, from Thai Lawyers from Human Rights; Don Tajaroensuk, from the People Empowerment Foundation; and Omar Nunarnun, from We Watch Thailand. They were also joined by representatives from non-governmental organisations that provide capacity-building opportunities for youths to engage in politics.
The youth representatives said the challenges facing the youth movement in Thailand are multifaceted. Chief among them is legal. Since the protests started, activists have faced a campaign of repression, from a suit of laws limiting their right to free speech and assembly.
Section 112 of the Criminal Code, for instance, seeking to penalise lèse-majesté, has been used to charge over 20 youths since 2020, the youngest of them a 14-year-old girl.
Apart from Section 112, the Emergency Decree in use during the protest period and the Computer Crime Act are some of the legal tools employed to inhibit youth political engagement in Thailand.
These legal threats not only curtail free expression but also create an environment where young people fear retribution for speaking out. At least two individuals as young as 15 and 16 have sought asylum abroad to avoid legal persecution.
The economic pressures they face are also no less pressing. Young people are forced to balance activism with the practical need to secure a livelihood.
In an environment where financial stability is fragile, many activists are left with little choice but to abandon their efforts in search of a career outside of the civil society sector that promises financial security.
This disproportionately affects youth who are lower-income and are from rural and ethnic minority communities – the economic imbalance exacerbates existing inequalities and prevents youth movements from broadening their base and deepening their impact.
For these movements to thrive, the systemic challenges they face must be addressed. Young activists need access to resources that can protect them from the risks they encounter.
Developmental aid agencies and international non-governmental organisations should provide financial and other technical support as part of a broader strategy to bolster the organising capacity of the civil society sector in the country.
This support must offer young activists the stability they need to concentrate on long-term policy advocacy and public awareness-raising.
Youth movements must also not be singled out from the “traditional” civil society sector. A key factor in the long-term sustainability of youth movements will be the extent to which they can collaborate with older generations of activists and civil society leaders.
An effective intergenerational collaboration will bring to the youth movements the knowledge and experience of navigating the intricacies of Thailand’s political landscape. This kind of partnership could be crucial in overcoming the fragmentation that often stalls progress within civil society, helping to forge a more unified and strategically coordinated movement.
Thai authorities must, too, recognise and foster youth political participation. Opening space for youth-led dialogue and reform would signal a commitment to democratic pluralism and long-term political stability.
Constitutional reform presents one potential avenue through which political leaders can integrate youth movements into the broader discussion to find a path towards a democratic constitution.
In this context, youth themselves must also readjust how they operate. For one, their movements must be inclusive. Youth activism cannot primarily reflect the concerns of urban elites or educated youth – it is crucial that the movement extends to marginalised populations and that the voices of ethnic minorities, rural communities and other underrepresented groups are given a platform.
This requires both representation at the decision-making table and a sustained effort to build the leadership capacity of youth from disadvantaged backgrounds. Without an inclusive approach, movements risk perpetuating inequalities, while also limiting their long-term viability.
Ultimately, if Thailand’s youth activists are to have any chance of sustaining their efforts and effecting meaningful change, they need a sustained commitment to inclusive, intergenerational collaboration, robust external support and the political will that can empower them to continue their fight for a democratic future.
If these efforts are successful, Thai youth movements can play a key role in reshaping the country’s democratic future in a way that fosters an inclusive, equitable and participatory political culture.
For more information on the regional dialogue, please click here.
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