<div>One emerging aspect of Thai political polarisation since 2006, or even slightly earlier, is that many people no longer hesitate to spell out their different political opinions.</div> <p></p>

<div>While things appear calm on the surface, one revealing fact about the ongoing debate about the role of the monarchy surfaced last week when Prachatai.com online newspaper reported that Army Ranger Unit 45's Special Task Force had been busy engaging in cyber 'warfare'.</div> <p></p>

<div>Taiwan - the other China - invited our group of journalists from some 30 countries to witness its marvels, but instead we found ourselves embroiled in a row with the Philippines.</div> <p></p>

<p>The past two weeks have been rather sobering for those who think Thailand has already risen above misogyny. It has not. People of both sides of the political divide have given us clear evidence, which, if looked at "positively", reminds us of the challenges that lie ahead.</p> <p></p>

<p>Thai readers be warned: You are about to read a commentary penned by an alleged "Thai with a Cambodian heart", a "traitor".</p> <p></p>

<p>Films tend to reflect the anxieties and aspirations of society at the time of production. And the latest box-office hit, "Pee Mak Phra Khanong", directed and co-written by Banjong Pisunthanakun, is perhaps no exception.</p> <p></p>

<p>The House of Representatives is expected to consider a same-sex civil union bill later this year. Gender rights activist Chumaporn Taengkliang of the Anjaree group tells The Nation's Pravit Rojanaphruk about its prospects and what it would mean for Thailand. Some excerpts:</p> <p></p>

<p>Many Thais are not quite sure of what to make of Sulak Sivaraksa. One day the noted social critic appeared to be on the Democrat Party's side by supporting MR Sukhumbhand Paribatra for Bangkok governor. Then, just two weeks later, he appeared on national television, Thai PBS, harshly criticising the Democrats and others who supported the current form of lese majeste law.</p>

<p>Censorship was blatantly at work for all to see at Thai Public Broadcasting Service (Thai PBS) last Friday night when it abruptly cancelled the promised airing of the fifth and last episode of a much-anticipated debate on the monarchy.</p> <p></p>

<p>Sunday's Bangkok gubernatorial election was more a referendum on Thaksin Shinawatra and what happened in April-May 2010 in Bangkok and beyond, than a normal local election where voters decided who should best administer the capital.</p>

<p>A dialogue with separatists may still be elusive after more than half a decade of violence but the least the public can do now is not to cling onto just one perspective by being permanently attached to seeing things through nationalist lenses only.<br />In the aftermath of the killings of 16 separatists, some have advocated more draconian measures to deal with the situation, despite the fact that many locals in the deep South are opposed to measures like martial law and curfews.<br /></p>

<p>As much as Bangkok residents may relish the right to decide which Bangkok governor candidate to vote for early next month, the race has become a glaring reminder of inequality on at least two fronts. First, the absolute lack of a level playing field for most candidates and second, Bangkok's sense of exceptionalism - to elect its own governor unlike the rest of the country, which is now taken for granted.</p>